July 3rd appeal for a democratic Europe

The idea of appealing to the European Parliament not to bow down before the European Council came about after the spontaneous and similar reaction of friends from several Member States on the morning of July 3. The top candidates were discarded and the person being considered for the presidency of the Commission was not even one of them. This ‘coup’ tells voters: you voted for nothing.


We, European citizens, having voted for women and men with political agendas, do not accept that our elected representatives should be deprived of the power to choose - or at least to guide the choice - of the President of the European Executive. We know that the governments in council have long ago, and behind closed doors, destroyed the autonomy of the European Commission, but we also know that the treaties, of which these same governments are the authors and of which they claim to be "masters", require them to "take into account" our votes when appointing the Commission. We do not forget that the European Parliament must validate the composition of the Commission and that it can always pass a vote of no confidence, at the risk of opening an institutional crisis. We therefore note that by turning the recent election into an electoral farce, the governments themselves have just deepened an already obvious institutional crisis.


We, the European citizens, understand from this situation that after having hindered the exercise of a transnational democracy by maintaining national lists, the Member States condemn the European Union to discredit by depriving it of the little autonomy and legitimacy it derives from the existence of an elected Parliament. We note that governments, forgetting global realities, the objective of our political construction, the state of public opinion and the need for democracy, would not behave differently if they wanted to perpetuate the indecision and inaction that affect the Union, reduced to impotence and insignificance. From this observation, we are convinced that the choice of governments, for the presidency of the Commission, of someone who was not even a candidate at all, is inadmissible.


We, the European citizens, want Parliament, the European co-legislator, to adopt a roadmap for the legislature that meets the needs of European society and to impose on governments the choice of a President of the Commission who is able to obtain a majority in Parliament on this roadmap and to actively contribute, on the basis of this majority, to the composition of a cohesive executive. We believe that an assembly capable of electing its own President in the second round with an absolute majority of votes may also be able to set itself priorities that are in everyone's mind: the financing of long-term investments to curb global warming and transform the growth regime, a redistribution policy to guarantee economic security for each resident, and to reduce the most striking inequalities. Afterwards, he may or may not find, in his ranks, a personality capable of carrying out this programme, and the essential fiscal reform required for its implementation.


The governments' slip-up can be either the antechamber of a post-democracy, where we vote without choosing a policy and without electing those who are called upon to govern, as if to sacrifice to an obsolete ritual, or the chance for Parliament to put an end to the disintegration that the European economy has suffered since the first years of the century, and to emerge from the institutional crisis that the governments-in-Council have just opened, by violating the right of Europeans to choose their destiny. It is not indifferent to recall, in these Brexit times, that it was a Briton, Clement Attlee, who declared in 1939: "Europe must federate or perish". The new Parliament, which has probably not yet had time to collectively become aware of its own power and historical responsibility, has a few weeks to invite Europeans to begin anew, or to sacrifice their freedoms.

We, the citizens of Europe, call on our Parliament to federate Europe, in other words to imagine with us the constitution it needs.

Bernard Barthalay; Michele Ballerin; Nicola Bartoldi; Matis Brasca Kieffer; Michel Caniaux; Ciaran Cresswell; Pier Virgilio Dastoli; Jean-Paul Fitoussi; Ralf Grahn; Pier Giorgio Grossi; Christian Hiller von Gaertringen; Peter Hovens; Leo Klinkers; Francesca Lacaita; Marion Larché; Daniela Martinelli; Federica Martiny; Peter Osten; Paola Pietrandrea; Francesco Pigozzo; Franco Praussello; Jean-Mathieu Robine; Carolin Rüger; Lorenzo Sparviero; Nicola Vallinoto; Stefan de Vries; Dan Zisso.

Jacques Terrenoire; Ton Máčel; Jean-Marie Dubos; Aleksander Goglowski; Angelo Morini; Mathilde Ramstein; Mathieu Fournier; Henri Balmain; Daniel Spoel; Nathalie Bron; Christophe Chaumont; Brice Montagne; Baptiste Chewbelton Mazery; Michael Holz; Maria Teresa Satta; Fabien Pic; Valérie de Saint-Do; Francesco Franco; Pierre Franch; Jean-François Mibord; Dschimm Biehm; Gaëlle Catherine; Bruno Retrou; Luca Bonifoglio; Jean-Paul Reymond; Maïté Ansola; Giuseppe Brivio; Jos Steehouder; Edoardo Zin; Valéry-Xavier Lentz; Alessandro Peppe Giorgi; Francis Bourlart; Luca Bonifoglio; Mauro Casarotto; Joanne Bower; Sven Dossow; Yann de Mauduit; Gareth Tilley; Anja Schürmann; Nathalie Gatouillat; Christophe Tisseyre; Mariantonia Miceli; Luca Daghino; Leon Perelman; Michele Fiorillo; Rosemonde Wojciechowski; Karolis Stasiukėnas; Anita Bernacchia; Giuliana Solari; Pietro Merlo; Giacalone Piera; Massimo Arvat; Anna Damonti; JD Blaha; Trinus de Vries.

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