
In this blog project on the theme of far-right politics in France and Europe, a group of Lille University masters degree students in English-French translation present a wide range of reports published in the French media in the run up to municipal and European elections. Their English versions of the articles, complete with glossaries and information notes, provide an insight into the personalities, groups and issues influencing debate and how these topics are reported in France.
Writing in the French weekly news magazine L'Express, Marie Le Douaran canvasses opinion from political commentators in France and Europe about the possibility of a union of European populist far right parties in the wake of the Swiss vote for tough immigration controls. Article source: Populisme en Europe: "On assiste à une forme d'internationale du nationalisme", Marie Le Douaran, L'Express (13/02/2014)
Photo: REUTERS / Denis Balibouse
For a glossary of party names, click here, for another on the French media click here and for an A-Z of key terms, personalities, dates and events, click here. For more about this project between the Lille University students and Mediapart English, click here.
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“Hurrah for the Swiss referendum! We are going to propose one for Italy as well. Everyone is closing their borders, except us.” This is how Matteo Salvini, the leader of the Italian separatist and xenophobic Northern League party lauded the victory of the populist UDC – Democratic Union of the Centre or “Swiss People’s Party” (SVP) – whose anti-immigration proposal has been accepted by a majority of Swiss voters. In fact, the whole of Europe is being seized by a rash of selfishness, which, in the view of Le Monde, has delighted populist right-wing parties across the continent .
According to a survey conducted by TNS Sofres and released on 12 February, 34% of the French population now subscribe to the ideas of the Front National. In the UK, in Austria and in Norway, populist right-wing parties are drawing more and more media attention. To explain this term ['populist' ed.], Jean Yves Camus, a political analyst specialising in European extremisms, drew a distinction between three different categories for Marianne:
- Traditional far right parties (such as the Austrian FPÖ)
- Modernised traditional far right parties (the Front National in France or the Vlaams Belang in Belgium)
- Radicalised xenophobic populist parties, offshoots of conservative and liberal right-wing parties (Switzerland’s UDC, the Danish People’s Party, and the PVV: the Dutch Freedom Party)
In Le Monde, Dominique Reyné concluded that generally speaking, “we are seeing racist far right parties ideologically shifting toward populism and xenophobia.”
Drawn together by fears
The rejection of elites, the fight against immigration and the closing of borders are the axes they grind. “The rise of populism as we know it today is connected to the neo-liberal globalisation of the 00s” explains Stéphane François, professor at Valenciennes University and specialist in radical right-wing movements. It’s all to do with language: “these parties are playing on an accumulation of fears. The crisis and economic stagnation create a favourable environment for the rise of these parties.” The day after the vote, Hervé Rayner, a political analyst, explained to L’Express that during the campaign in Switzerland, “the UDC managed to set the terms of the debate, which concentrated solely on the ‘negative effects of immigration’.” People are afraid of unemployment and of the Other, and they are losing confidence in the governing parties. François Hollande’s popularity keeps plummeting, and “that’s playing into the hands of these parties,” says Stéphane François.
The rejection of Islam is another common element in their rhetoric, especially in Western Europe. But here again, “we are dealing less with the very violent racist language we saw in the past and more with the rejection of foreigners and foreignness. This was the case when Switzerland voted against the islamization of society,” suggests Stéphane François. In 2009, on the initiative of the UDC who talked about a “conquering Islam,” Switzerland voted in favour of a ban on minarets. There were four of them in the country at the time.
A tidal wave at the European elections?
According to a poll published in the JDD at the end of January, Marine Le Pen is expected to come first1 in the European elections in May. I the run up to the ballot, the Italian Northern League, which had been losing momentum in recent times, is riding the wave of a victory by proxy in Switzerland to reposition itself against Europe and immigration. According to German political commentator Werner T. Bauer, quoted in Courrier International, the AfD – Alternative for Germany, bolstered by its success in the recent general election (4.7%), could contribute to a “big [populist] surge” in the European Parliament.
Even so, will they be able to unite? “We are witnessing a form of nationalist International” in Europe through attempts to form alliances, explains Stéphane François. The rapprochement between Marine Le Pen and the Austrian Franz Obermay (FPÖ) is often mentioned. Werner T. Bauer explains that Dutch PVV leader Geert Wilders, though he considers the FN disreputable, is creating ties with FPÖ president Heinz-Christian Strache. Yet, putting it bluntly, he thinks an International is doomed to fail: “There are too many conflicts between the nations. In addition, right-wing populism is an ‘ideology devoid of any world vision’.”
Fears that divide, above all
Populist parties all position themselves on the political spectrum through subjects related to national heritage in terms of material wealth – defending living standards – and immaterial wealth – fighting against immigration and multiculturalism. But in reality, despite their mutual congratulations, these parties do not really look beyond their own borders, which they are bent on closing at any cost – such as, in the case of Switzerland, the cancelling of agreements with the EU.
“Their ideas differ on many issues, including xenophobia and hostility towards Islam. Admittedly they generally share a hostile line when it comes to immigration or the ‘technocratic’ power of Brussels. But even on the latter subject, there are major points of departure between those who want to claw back certain powers and those who want to drop out of the Euro or even simply break up the Union,” explains political analyst Philippe Braud on the website Atlantico.fr. “Each party moves forward in its own way depending on its country’s culture. In France, the Front National insists more on secularism and public services, whereas in the Netherlands, they fight against the permissive aspect of society,” says Stéphane François.
In the United Kingdom, UKIP2 campaign for EU exit in order to control the borders more effectively. According to Stéphane François, the vote in Switzerland reveals “an extreme chauvinism”. In any case, “this is a selfish stance.”
Editor's notes:
1. Obviously Marine Le Pen is incapable of personally 'coming first' in a Europe-wide parliamentary election. One of the questions asked in this project is whether parts of the French media overplay the importance of Marine Le Pen in far right politics in France. This kind of metonymic use of the leader's name to refer to the whole party's performance would seem to be evidence that they do.
2. The inclusion of UKIP here might raise eyebrows amongst English speaking readers, but the party obviously falls into Jean-Yves Camus' third category of populism above. They also share the key feature cited by Philippe Braud: "a hostile line when it comes to immigration or the ‘technocratic’ power of Brussels". British readers in particular should be under no illusions that UKIP is seen as a far right party in Europe.
Translated by Joran Schaap, Charles-James Gasnier and François Janquin.
Editing by Sam Trainor.